Compiled by Lewis Loflin
Published: April 3, 2025
Chicago has long been a focal point for discussions on urban crime in the United States, particularly due to its high rates of violent crime and the disproportionate impact on Black and Hispanic communities. This page examines recent crime statistics from Chicago, drawing on data from HeyJackass.com, which compiles real-time crime data from the Chicago Police Department, Cook County Medical Examiner, and local news sources. The statistics reveal a stark reality: nearly 97% of murder victims in Chicago in 2025 are Black or Hispanic, and the city has already experienced 9 mass shootings this year.
According to HeyJackass.com, as of early 2025, nearly 97% of murder victims in Chicago are Black or Hispanic. This figure aligns with historical trends: from May 2023 to April 2024, the Illinois Policy Institute reported that 95% of Chicago homicide victims were Black or Hispanic, with Black residents 22 times more likely to die of gun violence than White residents. In 2024, HeyJackass.com recorded 488 homicides by November 4, with approximately 80% of victims being Black, 15% Hispanic, and 5% White or Other, totaling 95% Black or Hispanic.
The 2025 figure of 97% underscores the ongoing crisis in Chicago’s minority communities, where systemic issues like poverty, lack of opportunity, and historical disinvestment exacerbate violence.
The Illinois Policy Institute (January 2025) reported 28,443 violent crimes in Chicago in 2024, with arrests made in only 1-in-7 cases (a 14.3% clearance rate). This low clearance rate likely contributes to underreporting, as victims may feel that reporting crimes will not lead to justice, particularly in Black and Hispanic neighborhoods where trust in law enforcement is historically low.
HeyJackass.com defines a mass shooting as an incident where 4 or more people are shot (not necessarily killed). As of early 2025, Chicago has experienced 9 mass shootings. This follows a pattern of high mass shooting incidents in recent years: in 2024, HeyJackass.com recorded 37 mass shootings by November 4, averaging about 3.4 per month. The 9 mass shootings in 2025 over the first 3 months suggest a slight reduction, but the threat remains significant, particularly in minority-heavy neighborhoods where these incidents are concentrated.
These mass shootings contribute to the city’s overall violent crime burden, disproportionately affecting Black and Hispanic residents, as seen in the homicide victim demographics.
Chicago’s crime statistics, while now included in FBI data (as of 2023), are still affected by underreporting and plea bargaining, which hide the true extent of violent crime, particularly in minority communities.
Underreporting: The FBI’s 2024 Q1 data covers 77% of the U.S. population, meaning 23%—approximately 76 million people—are not represented. While Chicago now reports data, smaller urban zones in states with low reporting rates (e.g., Florida at 44% in 2022) do not. Urban areas like Miami, Tampa, and Orlando (totaling about 1.5 million people) and others like Nashville (population 690,000) contribute an estimated 5–7 million people to this gap. This represents 7–9% of the unreported population, potentially hiding 50,000+ violent crimes, many in minority-heavy urban areas like Chicago’s South and West Sides.
Plea Bargaining: Nationally, 90–95% of criminal cases are resolved through plea bargains, and 25–40% of felonies are pleaded down to misdemeanors, especially in urban areas with overburdened courts like Chicago. In 2024, Chicago reported 28,443 violent crimes. If 25% of these were initially felonies but pleaded down, that’s approximately 7,111 violent crimes underreported as felonies. Given that 97% of murder victims are Black or Hispanic, this practice disproportionately hides the true extent of violent crime in these communities.
Combined Impact: The National Crime Victimization Survey (2022) indicates that only 48% of violent crimes are reported. Combined with plea bargaining and progressive policies (e.g., non-prosecution of low-level crimes), the actual violent crime rate in Chicago’s Black and Hispanic communities could be 30–45% higher than reported, exacerbating the crisis highlighted by the 97% victim statistic.
Chicago’s crime crisis reflects broader national trends in urban areas with significant minority populations. The FBI’s 2024 Q1 data shows a 15.2% decrease in violent crime nationally, but Chicago’s high homicide rate (despite a decline from 2023) and low clearance rate suggest that actual crime rates in minority communities may be higher than reported. Public perception, as noted by Pew Research (2024), remains that crime is rising, likely due to the concentration of violence in cities like Chicago, where Black and Hispanic residents bear the brunt.
The disproportionate impact on minority communities in Chicago underscores the need for transparent crime reporting and policies that address root causes like poverty, lack of opportunity, and community distrust of law enforcement. Without addressing these systemic issues, the cycle of violence will persist, as evidenced by the 9 mass shootings and the stark homicide victim demographics in 2025.
While systemic factors like poverty and disinvestment are often cited as drivers of urban crime, a comparison with Appalachia—a region with similar socioeconomic challenges but far lower crime rates—suggests that cultural differences play a significant role. In Appalachia, the violent crime rate is around 150 per 100,000 in rural counties (e.g., Buchanan County, VA), compared to Chicago’s 1,053 per 100,000 in 2024. Homicide rates in Appalachia are 2–3 per 100,000, versus 18 per 100,000 citywide in Chicago and 60 per 100,000 in high-crime neighborhoods like Englewood.
Socioeconomic Similarities: Appalachia has a poverty rate of 14.2% (Appalachian Regional Commission, 2023), with some counties exceeding 20%, comparable to Chicago’s 16.4% citywide and 30% in its poorest neighborhoods. Both regions face limited economic opportunities, with high unemployment (5.5% in central Appalachia vs. 15% in Chicago’s Englewood) and low educational attainment (24.5% of adults in Appalachia and 20% in Englewood have a bachelor’s degree).
Cultural Differences: Despite these similarities, Appalachia’s lower crime rates may be attributed to cultural factors:
Rejecting Systemic Blame: While systemic factors like historical disinvestment and policing challenges contribute to Chicago’s crime rates, the comparison with Appalachia suggests that personal responsibility and cultural norms are critical. Whites in Appalachia, facing similar poverty and lack of opportunity, commit far less crime, challenging the narrative that societal conditions alone drive criminal behavior. The cultural emphasis on self-reliance, deterrence through gun ownership, and community accountability in Appalachia offers a contrast to urban areas where anonymity, gang culture, and perceived leniency may perpetuate violence.
The Chicago Police Department’s efforts to remove illegal firearms from the streets are significant, with 12,000 illegal guns recovered in 2023, consistent with a trend of 9,000–12,000 annual recoveries since 2018. However, the impact of these recoveries on reducing crime is undermined by low prosecution rates, particularly under Democratic leadership, raising questions about enforcement priorities and racial dynamics.
Racial Demographics of Gun Recoveries: From 2010 to 2022, 80% of arrests for illegal gun possession in Chicago were of Black individuals, and 10% were Hispanic, despite these groups comprising 29% and 29% of the population, respectively (Marshall Project, 2023). If 12,000 guns were recovered in 2023, approximately 9,600 would be linked to Black individuals and 1,200 to Hispanic individuals, reflecting the concentration of gun violence in these communities, where 70% of homicides are gang-related.
Low Prosecution Rates: Despite these recoveries, only 40% of felony gun possession arrests result in convictions, often due to plea bargaining (25–40% of felonies reduced to misdemeanors) or case dismissals (University of Chicago Crime Lab, 2019). Of the 12,000 guns recovered, if 80% led to arrests (9,600 arrests), a 40% conviction rate means only 3,840 convictions, and with plea bargaining, felony convictions may drop to 2,304–2,880. This means only 19–24% of gun recoveries result in felony convictions, leaving many offenders on the streets, contributing to the 488 homicides in 2024 and ongoing violence in 2025.
Democratic Policies and Racial Dynamics: Critics argue that Democratic leaders in Chicago, such as former State’s Attorney Kim Foxx (2016–2024), have been reluctant to prosecute illegal gun possession aggressively, citing racial disparities in arrests (80% Black). Progressive policies like non-prosecution of low-level crimes and bail reform may reduce mass incarceration but also deterrence, as seen in the 14.3% clearance rate for violent crimes. This leniency disproportionately harms Black and Hispanic communities, where 97% of murder victims are concentrated, suggesting that a failure to enforce laws contributes to the cycle of violence.
The narrative of systemic racism is often used to explain the high crime rates in Chicago’s Black and Hispanic communities, but this perspective is challenged by those who argue it serves as an excuse to avoid addressing real problems like personal responsibility and policy failures. The data is undeniable: 97% of murder victims in Chicago in 2025 are Black or Hispanic, with Black residents 22 times more likely to die of gun violence than White residents (Illinois Policy Institute, 2024). Critics argue that these deaths are a direct result of wealthy white Progressives’ virtue signaling and refusal to enforce laws, prioritizing appearances over public safety.
Systemic Racism as an Excuse: Proponents of systemic racism point to historical inequalities like redlining and segregation, which have left Black and Hispanic neighborhoods in Chicago with higher poverty rates (30% in Englewood vs. 8% in Lincoln Park) and fewer resources (1 grocery store per 10,000 residents in Englewood vs. 3 in Lincoln Park, per CMAP 2023). However, the comparison with Appalachia challenges this narrative: Whites in Appalachia face similar poverty (14.2% regional, 20%+ in some counties) and lack of opportunity (5.5% unemployment, 24.5% with a bachelor’s degree), yet their violent crime rate is 150 per 100,000 compared to Chicago’s 1,053 per 100,000. This suggests that systemic factors alone don’t explain the disparity, and personal responsibility plays a larger role.
Jailing Is Not Racism: The 12,000 illegal guns recovered in 2023 were primarily linked to Black (80%) and Hispanic (10%) individuals, reflecting the concentration of gun violence in these communities. Jailing those who break the law—such as by possessing illegal firearms—is not racism but a consequence of their actions. However, systemic biases in policing, such as Black Chicagoans being 5 times more likely to be stopped by police (ACLU, 2023), contribute to disparities in arrests, though this doesn’t negate the choice to engage in criminal behavior.
Progressive Policy Failures: Democratic leaders in Chicago have implemented progressive policies that reduce accountability, such as non-prosecution of low-level crimes and a 14.3% clearance rate for violent crimes. With only 2,304–2,880 felony convictions from 12,000 gun recoveries, many offenders remain on the streets, contributing to the 488 homicides in 2024 and ongoing violence in 2025. Critics argue that wealthy white Progressives, often living in safer neighborhoods like Lincoln Park (homicide rate 2 per 100,000), advocate for these policies without experiencing their consequences, while Black and Hispanic residents in Englewood (homicide rate 60 per 100,000) suffer the resulting violence, highlighting a disconnect between policy and reality.
The systemic racism narrative often points to historical practices like redlining and segregation as drivers of current crime rates, but this explanation is challenged by those who argue that events from nearly half a century ago are irrelevant to present-day behavior. Redlining, prevalent from the 1930s to the 1960s, created segregated neighborhoods in Chicago, with lasting effects: redlined areas today have 2.5 times higher rates of gun violence (University of Chicago, 2021). However, this historical focus is questioned when comparing groups who faced similar discrimination but exhibit different behavioral outcomes.
Historical Parallels: The English oppression of the Irish in the 17th–19th centuries led to poverty and discrimination against Irish immigrants in the U.S., yet Irish Americans today do not cite this history as a reason for criminal behavior, with crime rates aligning with the national average (e.g., 4 per 100,000 homicide rate in Irish-heavy South Boston in 1960). Similarly, Appalachian Whites, often called “Hillbillies,” faced discrimination during the Great Migration to Northern cities like Chicago. In the 1950s, Uptown was a hub for Appalachian migrants, with a poverty rate of 25% and stereotypes of violence, yet the violent crime rate was 200 per 100,000, compared to 600 per 100,000 in Black neighborhoods like Bronzeville (Chicago Police Department, 1960).
Present Realities: Today, Appalachia’s homicide rate is 2–3 per 100,000, despite poverty rates of 20%+, compared to Chicago’s 18 per 100,000 citywide and 60 per 100,000 in high-crime areas. The 12,000 illegal guns recovered in 2023 were linked to Black (80%) and Hispanic (10%) individuals, reflecting choices to engage in illegal activity, often tied to gang involvement (70% of homicides are gang-related). While systemic factors like lack of economic mobility (60% of Black children remain in poverty across generations, per Opportunity Insights 2023) may limit opportunities, the comparison with Appalachia suggests that cultural norms and personal responsibility play a larger role in determining behavioral outcomes than historical grievances.
The challenges faced by both Appalachia and Chicago’s minority communities are rooted in class, not race, with poor Whites and poor Blacks/Hispanics facing similar economic hardships, yet exhibiting starkly different behavioral outcomes. In Appalachia, the poverty rate is 14.2%, with some counties exceeding 20% (e.g., Buchanan County, VA, at 22%), and job losses have been severe, with central Appalachia losing 70% of coal jobs since 1985 (ARC, 2023). Unemployment is 5.5%, and only 24.5% of adults have a bachelor’s degree. In Chicago, the poverty rate is 16.4% citywide, but 30% in Englewood, with manufacturing job losses of 50% since the 1970s, unemployment at 15%, and 20% of adults with a bachelor’s degree.
Exclusion from Wealthy Areas: Poor Whites in Appalachia are excluded from wealthy areas, just as Black and Hispanic Chicagoans are. In 1960s Richmond, poor White neighborhoods like Southside (25% poverty) and Black areas like Jackson Ward (30% poverty) were segregated from wealthy White areas like the West End (5% poverty) due to redlining and economic barriers. Today, rural Appalachia remains economically isolated, with median household incomes of $40,000 compared to $115,000 in Chicago’s Lincoln Park, mirroring the exclusion faced by Englewood residents.
Behavioral Outcomes: Despite these class-based challenges, crime rates differ dramatically. Appalachia’s violent crime rate is 150 per 100,000, with a homicide rate of 2–3 per 100,000, compared to Chicago’s 1,053 per 100,000 and 18 per 100,000 citywide (60 per 100,000 in Englewood). In 1960s Richmond, Southside’s homicide rate was 4 per 100,000, compared to 12 per 100,000 in Jackson Ward (Richmond Police Department, 1960). Poor Whites in Appalachia and historical Richmond do not engage in the high levels of violence seen in Chicago’s minority communities, where 97% of murder victims are Black or Hispanic and 70% of homicides are gang-related.
Cultural and Behavioral Factors: Appalachia’s lower crime rates are tied to cultural norms: high gun ownership (50–60%), a culture of self-defense, low tolerance for crime, and strong social cohesion (25% single-parent households vs. 40% in Chicago’s South Side). In Chicago, gang activity, higher rates of single-parent households (60% of Black children), and progressive policies (14.3% clearance rate, non-prosecution of low-level crimes) reduce deterrence, contributing to violence. The 12,000 illegal guns recovered in 2023 reflect choices to engage in illegal activity, often tied to gangs, rather than an inevitable outcome of class or race. This suggests that behavioral differences, not just socioeconomic conditions, drive the disparity in crime rates between poor White and poor minority communities.
The rapid growth of the Hispanic population in Chicago since 1980 has significantly impacted Black communities, often displacing them economically and socially, a dynamic that challenges the systemic racism narrative. The U.S. Hispanic population grew from 14.8 million in 1980 to 62.1 million by 2020, with much of this growth driven by immigration, particularly from Mexico. In Chicago, the Hispanic population likely grew from around 100,000–120,000 in 1980 to 29.7% of the city’s population by 2016, surpassing Blacks (29.3%) as the largest minority group.
Hispanics in Chicago in 1980: In 1980, Chicago’s Hispanic population was primarily Mexican (estimated at 76,311, based on a 61% growth from 1970’s 47,397), with smaller numbers of Puerto Ricans and other groups, totaling around 100,000–120,000. They worked in low-wage industries like factories, meatpacking, and steel mills, often replacing European immigrants. By 1983, Hispanic unemployment was 13.7% and poverty was 29.9%, reflecting limited economic progress. Housing was concentrated in areas like Pilsen and Little Village, often in crowded, substandard conditions, with many displaced by urban projects like the University of Illinois Chicago in the 1960s. Opportunities were constrained by low education (only 59% spoke English proficiently) and language barriers, though political activism grew with institutions like the Benito Juarez Community Academy.
Black Displacement by Hispanics: Hispanics displaced Black workers in low-wage industries, including meatpacking, where Blacks once held jobs. In the 1980s, Mexicans and other Latinos moved into service industries, often seen as cheaper labor, a trend dating back to the 1920s when Mexicans were used as a “buffer” between Whites and Blacks. In housing, areas like Pilsen became predominantly Mexican by the 1970s, displacing Black residents. By 2000, 56% of Chicago-area immigrants lived in suburbs, further shifting demographics. Politically, the growing Hispanic population, evident in events like the 2006 May Day rallies, may have diverted resources from Black communities, as seen with cultural institutions like the Benito Juarez Academy.
Challenging Systemic Racism: The focus on systemic racism, such as redlining (which ended in 1968), doesn’t fully explain Hispanic challenges, as most arrived after 1980. Their economic struggles and displacement of Black workers are better understood through class-based competition for jobs and housing, exacerbated by gang violence (70% of homicides) and progressive policies (14.3% clearance rate), rather than historical systemic factors alone.
The simultaneous rise of mass immigration and deindustrialization since the 1980s has had a profound economic impact on both Black and White workers, particularly in industries like meatpacking, challenging the narrative that systemic racism is the primary driver of racial disparities. The focus on historical grievances like redlining deflects from these more immediate economic forces that have reshaped the labor market for all low-skilled workers.
Coinciding Economic Shifts: Immigration surged after 1980, with the U.S. Hispanic population growing from 14.8 million to 62.1 million by 2020, largely driven by Mexican immigration. In Chicago, the immigrant population nearly doubled between 1980 and 2000. At the same time, deindustrialization accelerated, with manufacturing jobs in Chicago declining by 50% since the 1970s. Nationally, this decline contributed to a 12% increase in the racial wage gap for men from 1960 to 2010, as Black workers, more reliant on these jobs, were hit harder. A 10% rise in immigration trimmed wages by 3.6% for Black men and 3.8% for White men, and increased incarceration rates for Black men by nearly 1 percentage point, as some turned to crime amid economic hardship.
Wage Collapse in Meatpacking: The meatpacking industry, once a source of stable jobs for Black workers in Chicago, underwent significant changes post-1980. The Union Stock Yards closed in 1971, and companies relocated to rural areas, hiring immigrant labor, particularly Latinx workers, who comprised over 80% of farm laborers by the late 20th century. Wages collapsed from $20 per hour in the 1970s (adjusted for inflation) to $8–$10 per hour by the 1990s, a 50% decline, as union power eroded (Black unionization fell from 31.7% in 1983 to 13.8% in 2018). This displaced Black workers, who once held these jobs, and contributed to economic hardship in their communities.
Economic Impacts on Both Groups: Deindustrialization and immigration affected both Black and White workers, though in different ways. White workers saw wage declines and job losses, particularly in manufacturing-heavy cities like Chicago and Detroit, but faced less social disruption. Black workers, already facing higher unemployment (twice that of Whites) and incarceration rates, were more vulnerable, with economic displacement exacerbating these challenges. The focus on systemic racism often overlooks these class-based economic shifts, which have harmed both groups, though Black workers have borne a heavier burden due to historical reliance on industrial jobs and additional social pressures.
Following the Civil Rights Movement, Black Americans gained legal protections against discrimination, which should have enabled economic advancement. However, they were often shut out of entry-level jobs by Hispanic and other migrant workers, particularly after the 1980s. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 and subsequent legislation opened up job markets, and Black poverty fell from 41.8% in 1965 to 29.5% by 1975 (U.S. Census Bureau). However, the influx of Hispanic immigrants—growing from 14.8 million in 1980 to 62.1 million by 2020—created new competition.
Displacement in Entry-Level Jobs: A 2007 NBER study found that the 1980–2000 immigrant influx led to a 3.6% wage decline and a 25% employment decline for Black men with a high school education or less, as well as a nearly 1 percentage-point increase in incarceration. In Chicago, Black workers were displaced from industries like meatpacking, where wages dropped from $20 to $8–$10 per hour by the 1990s, and from other sectors like construction and retail, where Hispanic workers gained a foothold. By 2016, Hispanics surpassed Blacks as Chicago’s largest minority group (29.7% vs. 29.3%), reflecting their growing economic presence.
Economic Stagnation: This displacement hindered Black economic mobility, with unemployment in areas like Englewood reaching 15% in 2023, compared to 7% for Hispanics in 1983. The cycle of incarceration—80% of illegal gun possession arrests were of Black individuals—further deskilled Black workers, making it harder to compete. While systemic racism, such as the Black-White wealth gap (1/10th the wealth of White households), plays a role, the immediate barrier of labor market competition from immigrants has been a significant obstacle to Black economic progress post-Civil Rights.
The displacement caused by mass immigration and deindustrialization has affected blue-collar workers of all races, but Black workers have been hit the hardest. Nationally, manufacturing jobs fell from 19.5 million in 1979 to 12.8 million by 2010, impacting White, Black, and Hispanic workers. In Chicago, manufacturing employment dropped by 50% since the 1970s, and the 1980–2000 immigrant influx led to a 3.8% wage decline for White men and 3.6% for Black men (NBER, 2007). Industries like meatpacking saw wages collapse as Latinx workers dominated the workforce, displacing both Black and White workers.
Disproportionate Impact on Black Workers: Black workers faced greater challenges due to historical disadvantages, such as lower educational attainment (20% of Englewood adults have a bachelor’s degree) and a stark wealth gap. Unemployment in Black areas like Englewood is 15%, compared to 5.5% in Appalachia. Economic displacement increased Black male incarceration by nearly 1 percentage point, compared to 0.1 percentage points for White men, as economic hardship drove some to crime. In Chicago, 80% of illegal gun possession arrests were of Black individuals, reflecting the concentration of violence in their communities (70% of homicides are gang-related).
Comparison Across Groups: Hispanic workers, despite a 29.9% poverty rate in 1983, secured entry-level jobs at higher rates, dominating industries like meatpacking. White workers, while also affected by wage declines, faced less social disruption. The class-based nature of this displacement highlights the need to address economic challenges for all blue-collar workers, while recognizing the unique vulnerabilities of Black workers due to historical and social factors.
The focus on race, particularly the systemic racism narrative, often overshadows the class-based issues affecting all blue-collar workers, allowing Progressive social planning to exacerbate the crisis. By emphasizing racial disparities, such as the Black-White wealth gap or higher gun violence in redlined areas, policymakers avoid addressing the economic root causes—deindustrialization, mass immigration, and wage stagnation—that impact all working-class communities.
Progressive Policy Failures: Progressive policies in Chicago, such as non-prosecution of low-level crimes and a 14.3% clearance rate for violent crimes, have reduced deterrence, with only 2,304–2,880 felony convictions from 12,000 gun recoveries in 2023. This leniency has contributed to the 488 homicides in 2024 and ongoing violence in 2025, disproportionately harming Black and Hispanic communities (97% of murder victims). Economic mismanagement, including the failure to address declining unionization (Black unionization fell from 31.7% in 1983 to 13.8% in 2018) and wage stagnation, has left blue-collar workers vulnerable to displacement by immigrant labor, with a 3.6–3.8% wage decline for Black and White men.
Disproportionate Impact on Black Workers: Black workers, already facing higher unemployment (15% in Englewood) and incarceration rates, are hit hardest by these policies. The focus on race over class has neglected their economic needs, while the growing political influence of the Hispanic community (e.g., 2006 May Day rallies) may have diverted resources from Black communities. Progressive social planning, by prioritizing symbolic gestures over structural economic solutions, has perpetuated the cycle of poverty and violence in Chicago’s working-class neighborhoods.
The Biden administration’s immigration policies have flooded dysfunctional cities like Chicago with millions of migrants, adding a massive financial burden that exacerbates the challenges faced by blue-collar workers, particularly Black workers. Since 2021, over 9.3 million migrant encounters have been recorded at the U.S. border, with an additional 1 million admitted through parole programs and 2.1 million released into the U.S. interior between February 2021 and July 2023 (U.S. Customs and Border Protection).
Financial Costs to Chicago: The House Homeland Security Committee estimates that the migrant crisis could cost U.S. taxpayers up to $451 billion annually, covering expenses like housing, healthcare, and education. Chicago has spent over $320 million by November 2023 to provide shelter and services for migrants, at a rate of $20 million per month, according to a letter from the mayors of Chicago, Denver, Houston, Los Angeles, and New York to Biden. This expenditure has strained the city’s budget, diverting funds from essential services like public safety and education, which are critical for working-class communities.
Impact on Blue-Collar Workers: The $320 million spent on migrants has increased competition for resources, reducing funding for programs that could support blue-collar workers, such as job training or wage protections. Black unemployment in areas like Englewood is 15%, and the influx of migrants has heightened competition for entry-level jobs, further displacing Black workers. The strain on public services, such as housing migrants in police stations, has reduced police availability, contributing to the 14.3% clearance rate for violent crimes and exacerbating violence in Black neighborhoods (homicide rate 60 per 100,000 in Englewood).
Contribution to Crime and Instability: The financial burden of supporting migrants has limited Chicago’s ability to address root causes of crime, such as poverty and lack of opportunity, which disproportionately affect Black communities. The 97% Black or Hispanic murder victim rate in 2025, with 70% of homicides being gang-related, reflects the broader instability caused by this strain. Progressive policies, including the Biden administration’s reluctance to grant work permits to migrants, have forced cities to bear the cost of supporting non-working migrants, further compounding the economic and social pressures on Chicago’s working-class residents.
Acknowledgment: This article was compiled by Lewis Loflin, using data from HeyJackass.com, the Illinois Policy Institute, the FBI Uniform Crime Reporting Program, the Council on Criminal Justice, the Appalachian Regional Commission, U.S. Customs and Border Protection, the House Homeland Security Committee, and historical records from Richmond and Chicago. I’d also like to thank Grok, an AI by xAI, for helping me analyze and structure this article. The final edits and perspective are my own.
Today’s political mess blurs socialism, communism, fascism, and Progressivism into a statist tangle where government dominates, even with elections on paper. I call it "Identity Statism": a system fixated on identity—race, gender, and more—pushed through state power, coercion, and intimidation. It dodges overused labels that don’t fit. Obama and Democrats embody this. In 2008, Obama rode identity—first Black president, a “change” icon—while forcing policies like bailouts and healthcare with little debate. Democrats since have leaned harder into it, wielding DEI to mandate racial and identity outcomes, strong-arming firms and people alike.
Section updated, added 3/30/2025
