“Sullivan County doesn’t lay down for atheists,” declared former Commissioner Mike Gonce in 1998, igniting a prolonged debate over church-state separation in Sullivan County, Tennessee. This controversy, centered on a Ten Commandments plaque at the courthouse, extends beyond a single display. The late Steven Phelps, opinion editor of the Bristol Herald Courier, coined the term “Sullivan County Religious Wars.” Both the Herald Courier and Kingsport Times-News have consistently advocated for the plaque’s removal. Religion remains a deeply resonant topic in this region.

Reflecting 24 years later, the complexity of this issue reveals both change and continuity. The bitter divisions of the 1990s persist in 2022. As a Classical Deist—not a Christian—I’ve made peace with Christians and now find myself defending their interests. Today, I view Wokism and left-wing activism (e.g., ANTIFA, BLM) as greater threats to freedom than the Religious Right ever posed.

While I remain a non-Christian, I would staunchly defend the Ten Commandments’ presence in the Sullivan County Courthouse before yielding to Wokism’s pressures. To understand this shift, let’s examine the 1990s context, acknowledging both perspectives—mine and theirs. As someone once threatened with lawsuits by the county over free speech, I harbor no animosity now. Having researched the issues and met some commissioners, I regret not handling it more diplomatically. Yet, my stand, alongside another individual, emboldened the community to resist the overreach of the Religious Right.

Background

The Sullivan County Religious Wars emerged amid President Clinton’s tenure, when the culture war peaked and the Religious Right reached its height. This alarmed the secular Left, perceiving a threat that, in hindsight, was exaggerated. Figures like Pat Robertson sought the presidency under the Republican banner, while Jerry Falwell dominated the Southern Baptist Convention (SBC), fueling a Christian backlash against efforts to marginalize faith in public life. The Left’s dread mirrored their later reaction to the Tea Party in 2008, though the Religious Right’s influence has since waned.

Several events escalated tensions. In 1992, Ruby Ridge saw Randy Weaver, a Christian Identity adherent, clash with federal agents. This racist, apocalyptic cult anticipated a “Zionist Occupied Government” (ZOG) crackdown via FEMA camps and UN forces. See Randy ‘Ruby Ridge’ Weaver: Christian Hero in Sullivan County. I met Weaver and his daughter at a 1999 Kingsport gun show, peddling Y2K fears—claims that faded after the millennium passed uneventfully. The ATF’s attempt to arrest Weaver for an alleged shotgun sale ended tragically, killing his son, wife, and a U.S. Marshal. I believe the ATF and FBI overstepped, acting recklessly.

The 1993 Waco siege against the Branch Davidians further inflamed distrust. Lacking a violent history, this group faced a massive federal assault over child abuse allegations. Initial gunfire exchanges and a subsequent fire—disputed as either government- or cult-initiated—claimed 76 lives, including five in the first raid. The government could have apprehended leader David Koresh peacefully; their aggressive approach was, in my view, unjustified.

The Clinton administration’s perceived hostility to gun rights and Christianity stoked conservative and Evangelical fears, culminating in the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing by Timothy McVeigh. Despite no ties to religious or militia groups, the Left linked it to a supposed Religious Right conspiracy, amplifying Attorney General Janet Reno’s concerns. Against this backdrop, Y2K fervor and the SBC’s Ten Commandments campaign, spurred by Falwell, aimed to “reclaim America for God,” setting the stage for Sullivan County’s clash.

Release Time

The SBC, including the Sullivan Baptist Association (SBA), faced criticism for targeting Jews, Hindus, Muslims, and “cults” like Catholics, Mormons, and Jehovah’s Witnesses. Locally, the SBA pushed “Release Time,” allowing students to leave elective classes for off-campus religious instruction. I saw no issue with this—before or after school, or even on-site—if access was equal. Jessica L. Tonn’s 2006 Education Week article (Vol. 25, Issue 41, p7) notes the SBC’s ongoing advocacy:

“The Southern Baptist Convention sidestepped a proposal to pull children from public schools but adopted resolutions urging school boards to permit Bible classes during school hours and encouraging members to run for school board seats to influence public education.”

Supporting Release Time implied endorsing SBC views, prompting Senator John McCain to call them “agents of intolerance.”

In early 1998, the Sullivan County School Board considered formalizing a pilot Release Time program. I met Carletta Sims, head of Atheists of Tennessee, who sought my advice. I proposed we request our own programs, ensuring fairness. The board, unwilling to accommodate an atheist or a Deist, scrapped the initiative. One member cited unspecified threats from the SBA, leaving them stunned and furious—anger directed primarily at Carletta.

The SBA appealed to the Sullivan County Commission to reinstate Release Time, excluding us. The school board resisted, and the commission shifted focus to Carletta, who then criticized a long-standing Ten Commandments display in neighboring Washington County. This provoked the SBA to secure commission approval for an “American Heritage” plaque in Sullivan County, blending the Ten Commandments with secular documents—a tactic later rejected by federal courts elsewhere. See The Christian Right in Sullivan County Tennessee.

I petitioned to honor John Scopes, the Dayton, Tennessee teacher jailed for teaching evolution, sparking a televised confrontation with the commission. I accused them of bigotry and SBC bias against Jews, Hindus, Muslims, and others. Commissioner Mike Gonce, amid a heated exchange, instructed County Attorney Dan Street to explore suing me for slander and libel during the public comment period. The commission acquiesced.

At the time, Sullivan County’s leadership bristled at public criticism, reflecting a culture where jobs often hinged on church ties or nepotism. Unaccustomed to defiance—especially on local TV—they signaled readiness to suppress dissent. My approach was sharp, sometimes unfair, but it challenged decades of unchecked dominance. They threatened a “SLAPP suit” (Strategic Lawsuit Against Public Participation) to silence me, though Street later conceded they lacked a case, framing it as a lingering warning.

A retired New Jersey circuit court judge took my case pro bono, warning the county of free speech violations. Both sides retreated from litigation threats, reaching a stalemate. The commission devised a plaque petition process—ostensibly open but designed to exclude me as a non-resident—yet no one else has succeeded in 15 years. See:

My actions, alongside Carletta’s, emboldened residents to resist. See below for the dedication controversy.

Update 2008: Given radical secularist overreach and the plaque’s lack of harm, I now support its retention as a historical fixture.

The Kingsport Times-News (January 18, 2004) quoted Sullivan County Attorney Dan Street:

“It becomes increasingly evident that we are promoting a specific religion, violating the Constitution. This document protects minorities. Even if most favor Christianity or Judaism, they cannot impose it on others. Many Christians and Jews adhering to the Ten Commandments oppose public displays but fear criticism. Opposing them doesn’t make one an atheist—contrary to common misconceptions.”

Plaque Hanging a Fiasco

The Bristol Herald Courier headline “Two Protest at Plaque Ceremony” (December 13, 1999) captured an unexpected stand. Carletta Sims and I defied expectations by publicly opposing the event. Labeling the “American Heritage Display”—pairing the Ten Commandments with the Declaration of Independence—as secular is exclusionary and misleading. From Blountville, the press reported:

“About 35 people gathered inside the old Sullivan County Courthouse Sunday for the dedication of a Ten Commandments plaque, while two protesters—Carletta Sims, a Hawkins County atheist, and Lewis Loflin, a Bristol, Virginia Deist—were barred from entering. The display, including the Bill of Rights and Declaration of Independence, was installed by the Sullivan Baptist Association (SBA), funded through donations. Organizer Ann Bennett called it a reflection of ‘our freedoms.’ Sims protested the church-state breach; Loflin, denied a John Scopes plaque, cited unequal access. Sheriff’s Deputy Paul Taylor disputed barring them, though Sims photographed the plaque early. Bennett claimed it was private but open, despite media suggesting otherwise. Commissioner Marvin Hyatt and others dismissed lawsuit fears, asserting legality.”

‘Private’ Event in ‘Public’ Building?

Steve Phelps, Bristol Herald Courier, questioned the terms “private” and “public”:

“Ann Bennett called the SBA’s plaque dedication ‘private but not closed,’ yet held it in a public courthouse. Two critics—Sims and Loflin—claimed exclusion, bolstering perceptions of favoritism toward fundamentalist Christians. Bennett’s quip about not feeding 150,000 underscored the event’s selective nature. Commissioner Randy Morrell praised the plaque’s historical value, but Phelps noted the irony of restricting assembly in ‘everyone’s courthouse.’”

The Kingsport Times-News also pressed County Attorney Dan Street. See County Attorney’s Interview.

Time to Take Down the Hate Plaques

Kingsport Times-News, June 30, 2005

The Supreme Court’s ruling on religious displays is definitive—plaques in Sullivan, Johnson, and Greene counties must go. Public records and statements reveal an unconstitutional intent, reducing sacred texts to political tools. Six years ago, I urged equal access or removal, facing legal threats for calling out ties to extremists like Falwell and the SBC. Police met me at the ‘public’ dedication—open only to fundamentalists—after a rigged approval process denied fairness. Dan Street endured attacks for warning the commission of legal limits. This reflects a minority exploiting faith, not Christianity itself. Opposition isn’t atheism—abuse from all sides must end. Remove the plaques.

Lewis Loflin
Bristol, VA

History of Intolerance

TriCities.com, July 3, 2005

The June 27, 2005 Supreme Court decision seals the fate of religious plaques in Kentucky and Tennessee. I warned Sullivan County seven years ago—ensure equality or face this outcome. Their intent to promote an intolerant Christianity for political gain is evident. In 1997, the school board axed Release Time rather than include Sims and me, prompting fundamentalist pressure on the commission, which failed to override. Gonce’s ‘no atheists’ remark followed. I faced legal threats, job risks, and death threats to my disabled wife; Sims lost her job but won in court. Police barred us from the 1999 ‘public’ dedication. Dan Street noted fear silences even Christians opposed to displays. End this intimidation—remove the plaques.

Lewis Loflin
Bristol, VA

The Kingsport Times-News (January 18, 2004) quoted Dan Street:

“It’s increasingly clear we’re promoting a religion, violating the Constitution—the protector of minorities. Majority faith doesn’t justify imposition. Many Christians and Jews oppose public displays but stay silent from fear. Opposing them isn’t atheism, despite assumptions.”

Sullivan County, Tennessee Religious Wars 24 Years Later