by Lewis Loflin
Virginia Attorney General Mark Herring has proposed expanding hate crime legislation, targeting incidents linked to white supremacist groups. This analysis examines the data behind this focus, highlighting broader crime trends and statistical gaps that merit attention. The goal is clarity, not division, in addressing public safety.
The FBI’s 2017 hate crime report lists 7,175 incidents, up 17% from prior years. However, reporting agencies grew from 15,254 to 16,149—a 5.9% increase—suggesting much of the rise reflects better reporting, not solely a surge in events. In 2018, the FBI recorded 7,106 single-bias incidents: 59.6% race-based, 20.6% religion-based. Of 5,084 offenses, 44.9% were intimidation (2,283), 34.3% simple assault (1,744), and 19.5% aggravated assault (991).
Offenders were 50.7% white, 21.3% Black, and 19.1% unknown. Population-adjusted rates (U.S. 2016: 320 million; 77.35% white/Hispanic, 12.3% Black) show: whites (248 million) committed 2,563 hate crimes, or 1 per 100,000; Blacks (39.4 million) committed 1,185, or 3 per 100,000—a threefold difference.
Virginia’s 2015 crime data offers perspective: Black individuals, 19.7% of the population, committed 59% of murders, 74.5% of robberies, 54.3% of assaults (4,269), and 47.7% of burglaries (Virginia Crime 2015). Nationally, hate crime assaults totaled 2,735 (simple + aggravated), fewer than Virginia’s Black assault figure alone. This gap raises questions about enforcement priorities.
Hispanic data is murkier—many states classify Hispanic offenders as white, skewing statistics. Clearer categories for Hispanics and non-citizens, as in some states like Tennessee, could refine the picture.
The 2017 Charlottesville unrest involved clashes between various groups, including counter-protesters like ANTIFA and Black Lives Matter, after police were ordered to stand down. Similar incidents occurred in San Jose, Portland, and elsewhere. Critics argue hate crime laws often focus narrowly—here on white supremacists—while political violence from other organized groups gets less scrutiny. A broader lens could address all intimidation equally.
Proposed hate crime laws aim to curb bias-driven acts, but their scope worries some. Definitions can be vague, risking uneven application—FBI data shows whites as the majority of offenders, yet per-capita rates shift the narrative. In Virginia, overall violent crime dwarfs hate incidents, suggesting resources might better target general safety. Proactive policing of all violence—gangs, political clashes, or bias acts—could serve communities more effectively than specialized laws.
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