Southwest Virginia Job Losses 2010-2020
Southwest Virginia Job Losses 2010-2020
By Lewis Loflin
I established this website in 1997 to highlight concerns regarding the Tri-Cities area's challenging job and labor conditions. For those with external income sources, it can be an appealing place to reside; however, finding sustainable employment may prove difficult for others. Much like Baltimore, Southwest Virginia appears to have been overlooked—not due to racial factors, but rather because of a perceived lack of attention from influential decision-makers. In this region, economic class seems to be the predominant dividing line rather than race.
"Social apartheid" refers to an informal separation based on economic standing. In this divide, an underprivileged group, reliant on assistance or low-wage jobs, exists separately from more affluent residents. Some individuals contribute to their challenges through issues such as substance abuse, single parenthood, or leaving education prematurely. While local community colleges offer opportunities for advancement, relocating may be necessary to benefit from them, as many have done.
Over the years, I have chronicled the shortcomings of government-led economic development initiatives. Whether in Baltimore's underserved Black communities or among the struggling white population here, the outcomes are strikingly similar. These examples suggest that the root causes are political and cultural dynamics rather than race alone.
For clarity, I do not align with Liberal or Progressive ideologies, which often advocate for expansive government solutions—a view I do not share. As we will examine further, fostering self-reliance proves more effective than depending on external support.
These are broken out by directory and sorted by subject within the directory. Updates 2025
Southwest Virginia loses another 8% of its population from 2010-2020.
A Virginia Tech study by Zach Jackson highlights a stark employment decline in Southwest Virginia (SWVA) from 2010 to 2020, with 16,774 jobs lost across major sectors. Mining dropped 50% (compared to 11% nationwide), information fell 45% (versus 2% nationally), construction declined 35% (while growing 24% nationally), wholesale shrank 25% (versus 3% nationwide), and arts, entertainment, and recreation decreased 20% (against a 6% national gain). Excluding mining, SWVA lost 10,451 jobs in sectors that flourished elsewhere, signaling a struggle to remain competitive.
Jackson notes, “Regional wages lag behind state and national levels, high turnover plagues low-wage jobs, and many residents live in poverty, unable to afford basic living standards.” Virginia’s 2025 minimum wage is $12.41 (per DOLI), yet a living wage in SWVA is closer to $15/hour (Virginia Tech, 2023). A 2016 King University study, Economic Impact of Government Transfer Payments, reveals earned income dropped from 75-80% of total personal income decades ago to 57% in the Tri-Cities and 50% region-wide by 2014. The collapse of coal and manufacturing, an aging population reliant on Social Security and Medicare, and rising poverty driving Medicaid use have left half of SWVA’s income from transfers—a stopgap, not a solution.
By summer 2022, SWVA’s population had declined 8% from 2010 to 2020, weakening the tax base and community vitality. Low wages and an exodus lock in dependency: 50% of households (90% white, per 2021 Census) depend on government aid—a figure likely higher in 2025 amid the opioid crisis and scarce jobs.
Without significant investment in education, infrastructure, and sustainable industries, SWVA’s cycle of poverty and reliance on transfers deepens. These payments sustain communities but fail to address the systemic issues driving decline—issues rooted in structural challenges, not just individual choices.
Since launching this site in 1997, I have sought to highlight the persistent economic and labor challenges facing the Tri-Cities region. Despite substantial investments—hundreds of millions of dollars from the Appalachian Regional Commission, LENOWISCO, VCEDA, and the Virginia Tobacco Commission—tangible progress remains elusive. These struggles have been compounded by federal trade policies and mass immigration, which have placed significant pressure on the working class. The dual impact of outsourcing manufacturing and flooding the labor market with low-cost, often undocumented, labor has eroded job opportunities and wages. Moreover, efforts to "redevelop" the region’s economy have frequently fallen short, hampered by underfunding, a reluctance to invest in human capital, and a failure to address political dysfunction.
The prevailing corporatist ideology among Republicans has further prioritized business interests over sustainable economic growth for the region. In 2018, per capita income in Bristol, Virginia, stood at $21,589. For context, the federal minimum wage in 1970 was $1.60, equivalent to $10.46 in 2018 dollars when adjusted for inflation. At 40 hours per week, this translates to an annual income of $21,756—barely sufficient to meet basic needs. The region’s economic conditions reflect a significant disparity, with limited job prospects contributing to widespread hardship.
Data from Dr. Steb Hipple, a retired economist from East Tennessee State University, reveals a labor force decline of 54,795 between 2009 and 2019—a striking reduction that underscores the region’s challenges. Factors such as poverty, disability, and an aging population exiting the workforce contribute to this trend, alongside the broader economic pressures from outsourcing, immigration, and inadequate redevelopment strategies. Yet, these statistics often receive insufficient attention or are overlooked entirely.
Ballad Health’s decision to downgrade trauma centers in Bristol and Kingsport—leaving Johnson City as the region’s sole Level 1 facility—stems from financial pressures exacerbated by low-wage employment and widespread reliance on government assistance. Upper East Tennessee hospitals have reported losses totaling $74.5 million, with Southwest Virginia facing similar challenges; Lee County’s hospital closure serves as a stark example. In 2009, during the contentious debates surrounding the Affordable Care Act, I interviewed hospital CEOs who highlighted these same systemic issues—challenges that have only intensified over time. The region’s opioid crisis further compounds the strain, with Norton, Virginia (Wise County) leading rural America in prescription pill distribution at 306 per person annually, according to a 2019 Washington Post report.
Town Halls and Other Controversies, 2009 - A decade later, the underlying issues persist.
Across Tennessee—from Sullivan County to Washington County and Metro Nashville—local governments have leveraged laws and courts to limit legal adult entertainment, a pattern I’ve observed with frustration.
In Sullivan County, the 1998 Adult Oriented Establishment Act closed Show Palace and Bottoms Up with strict regulations, including six-foot dancer buffers and no alcohol. State courts upheld these rules despite First Amendment objections, as covered by the Kingsport Times-News in 2000 and 2002. See: Court of Appeals Ruling and Strip Bars Wars.
In neighboring Washington County, 19 applicants were denied permits in 2002 over technicalities like missing fingerprints and zoning disputes, while officials debated the definition of “adult,” per Tim Whaley and Chelsea Shoun. More details: 19 Applicants Rejected and Defining 'Adult'.
Metro Nashville won a federal case in 1999 against a three-foot rule but shifted tactics by 2002, using nuisance laws and informants to shut down 31 businesses, as Sheila Burke reported. Explore: Nashville Ruling and Prostitution Crackdown.
This recurring approach often prioritizes regulatory control over addressing deeper issues like poverty, reflecting a disconnect between enforcement and community needs.
43 People Arrested-Indicted for Drugs Spend Thanksgiving in Jail
In Southwest Virginia and East Tennessee, poverty, crime, and welfare trends challenge common racial assumptions. By 2022, 25.8% of white births were out-of-wedlock (CDC), contributing to a struggling white underclass marked by substance abuse and violence. Behavior, not race, drives these patterns. Major drug busts, like the 43 arrested in 2023 (90% white, averaging 37-38 years old), concentrate near public housing, where Bristol’s crime surges (Kingsport Times-News, 2023). West Virginia’s drug overdose rate hit 90.9 per 100,000 in 2021 (CDC), while a 2016 Virginia Medicaid study found 40,000 adults with substance abuse issues—over half with serious mental illness—costing $54 million annually in ER and opioid expenses (VCU). Washington County, Virginia, recorded 423 overdose deaths from 2007-2014.
Medicaid’s 70.6 million beneficiaries in 2022 included 39% white (27.5 million), 20% Black, and 30% Hispanic (CMS), outpacing Politifact’s 17 million poor whites estimate. In SWVA, where 90% of the population is white, 50% of households rely on transfers (Census, 2021). Food stamps in 2022 served 43 million people—35% white (15 million) and 25% Black (USDA)—with poor whites outnumbering poor Blacks 2.4-to-1 on welfare. A 2018 Huffington Post piece noted, “Americans overestimate how many African-Americans benefit from welfare.” Here, the reality is predominantly white.
This is largely a white issue, concentrated among the 30-45 age group near public housing. Many are of working age but unemployable due to criminal records and limited drug treatment options, while employers struggle to find drug-free workers. Non-violent offenses often escalate, severely impacting children and driving Bristol’s crime uptick—tied closely to public housing.
A notable case: Seatbelt Violation Leads to 14 Drug Arrests in Kingsport—13 white, one Black. West Virginia’s overdose rate rose from 36.3 per 100,000 in 2011 to 90.9 in 2021 (CDC), against a national jump from 13.2 to 32.4. Virginia’s 2016 study states, “More Virginians die yearly from drug overdoses than car crashes,” with prescription opiates hitting SWVA hard. Download The Opioid Crisis Among Virginia Medicaid Beneficiaries for details.
The Tri-Cities has faced decades of job decline. A 2002 report cited 24,000 losses; by 2016, the labor force dropped nearly 18,000 (Dr. Steb Hipple, ETSU), likely totaling 50,000 since 1990. Companies like Exide underdelivered on job promises despite $34M in stimulus funds, and call centers—touted as successes—faded fast. Wise County never reached 500 workers, and Congressman Boucher’s call center efforts floundered. See: Three Decades of Job Losses.
Public investments have yielded little: the $8 million Bristol Virginia Energy Research Center remains vacant, a green energy failure. The $6 million Bristol train station, unused in 2025, and ARC grants have fueled waste, not progress. Projects like Nicewonder and St. Paul Hotel consumed millions with minimal return. Bristol Virginia Utilities’ fiber optic push—labeled “cable-ready socialism”—left debt and low-wage call centers. More: 30 Years of Failure in Southwest Virginia.
Disability has become a de facto unemployment system, with 20% of SWVA kids in poverty. Activists fight for displaced trailer park residents, while Sullivan County’s Commission has threatened lawsuits over free speech disputes tied to religious issues. Outmigration persists—the LA Times described it as, “A town’s future is leaving the country.” My letters in the Bristol Herald Courier have long highlighted these trends. See: Disability Still Big Business 2017.
Southwest Virginia offers a cautionary tale for those advocating centrally planned economies. Decades of ambitious programs here reveal consistent shortcomings.
The Tenneva Holiday Inn on State Street, Bristol, begun in June 2019, remains unfinished by 2025. Ball Container cut ~220 jobs in Bristol, Virginia, in 2016; Merchant House International promised 400 towel-making jobs in 2017 but delivered only 50 by 2019, stalling thereafter. Virginia Intermont College closed in 2014 after receiving millions for a nonexistent “tourism degree,” and a Chinese-led revival plan fizzled by 2025. See: 400 New Jobs is Just 50 Jobs.
The $6 million Bristol Train Station, funded by highway and economic grants, sits unused in 2025 after $500,000 more was spent lobbying Amtrak. The $12 million Birthplace of Country Music Museum shows no economic boost, and over $100 million in energy research centers lie dormant. Northrop Grumman’s 2006 promise of 1,000 high-tech jobs in Russell County faltered, largely shuttered by 2023. The Virginian-Pilot (September 15, 2010) noted, “Taxpayers get substandard service.” Read: State Data Debacle Doesn’t Disappear.
Representatives Morgan Griffith (VA-9th) and Phil Roe (TN-1st, retired 2021) have offered little relief. Bristol Compressors’ closure and the Virginia Tobacco Commission’s $1.1 billion loss underscore systemic issues, leaving the working poor—per ALICE data—struggling. See: Three Decades of Job Losses in Southwest Virginia.
In 2012, oil prices averaged $111.67/barrel (Brent) and $94.05 (West Texas Intermediate), per the U.S. Energy Information Administration. Post-2008, Virginia funneled billions into “green” energy and biofuels, yielding widespread flops. Today’s push against fossil fuels mirrors that era, risking another round of waste.
SWVA’s working poor grapple with rising energy and food costs, worsened by renewable energy mandates from Northern Virginia. The $8 million Bristol Virginia Energy Research Center sits empty, part of a $140 million statewide green failure, alongside biofuel scams like NanoChemonics in Wise County. See: Virginia’s $140 Million Green Energy Boondoggle, Biofuel Programs Waste Millions in Virginia, NanoChemonics Fiasco in Wise, Virginia.
In 2004, Tri-Cities leaders invited “futurist” Ed Barlow, who suggested recruiting Hispanics for economic vitality (Kingsport Times-News, March 4, 2004). Yet, importing unskilled workers into low-wage roles—like in Morristown, Tennessee—only deepened poverty. Exide’s Bristol plant cut 567 jobs in 2009 despite $34 million in stimulus funds, rehiring few. Read: Exide Fires Bristol Workers After $34 Million Stimulus.
The $2 million Ralph Stanley Museum in Clintwood, now town-run, generated no jobs and closed by 2025 despite reopening plans. Dickenson County lost 10% of its population since its debut. Carter’s Fold, with over $500,000 in grants, also yielded no employment gains. See: Looking Back at the Waste of Virginia Tobacco Funds.
My 2005 Kingsport Times-News letter warned that Tobacco Funds for tourism and economic development were wasted—a reality unchanged in 2025. Washington County spent $40,000 on a retirement study with no outcome, while Joy Manufacturing and others took grants and cut jobs.
Updated 4-17-2025. From 2002 to 2025, Southwest Virginia (SWVA) faced significant economic challenges despite substantial public investments in broadband and call center initiatives, as detailed across multiple webpages. Congressman Rick Boucher promoted call centers to bring tech jobs, but efforts like the 2010 DIRECTV virtual call center (100 jobs) and earlier projects (e.g., Results, KCG) largely failed, with many closing by 2013, nearly all by 2020. Bristol Virginia Utilities (BVU) deployed the OptiNet fiber network, receiving $100 million in public funds, including $3.9 million in 2009 for expansion. Despite a 2009 "Intelligent Community" ranking, BVU’s initiatives, including support for Northrop Grumman and CGI-AMS, produced only 200 jobs by 2011 against a promised 1,000, and call centers paid low wages ($8.50–$11/hour). Economic indicators in 2025 show a 45% information sector decline, 60,000+ job losses since 2009, and a 7.5% population drop in Russell County (2010–2018), with wages ($17.33/hour in Bristol MSA) below living standards, highlighting the region’s persistent struggles.
Lieutenant Governor Bolling and local officials allocated nearly $9 million to three startups in Wise County, echoing past failures. Critics see it as insider handouts with little innovation. Grundy’s relocation and Wal-Mart projects similarly squandered funds with scant results. Crony Capitalism Hits Wise County.
Update July 2017: Nulife Glass, flagged as a scam, left Bristol with 20-30 million pounds of leaded CRT glass after firing its few hires, selling a $1.3 million building for under $200,000—half from grants. Nulife Glass.
In Bristol, Virginia, and Washington County, 50 low-income families were evicted from Clear Creek Mobile Home Park in 2004-2005 for a failed shopping mall road project. Backed by $10-$50 million in subsidies, Trammell Properties gave residents 90 days’ notice, leaving many—including disabled adults and single mothers—homeless or in public housing. I raised $1,200 to save one home, spotlighting what I call “social apartheid”—a disregard for the working poor amid cronyism.
The LA Times quoted me on Travelocity’s Clintwood failure: “Unless we tackle trade imbalances, the working class faces ruin—flipping burgers, welfare, or worse,” I said, as an adjunct professor at Virginia Highlands Community College. Travelocity Debacle in Clintwood, Virginia.
Comment by Lewis Loflin: Sullivan County prioritized courthouse Ten Commandments displays over addressing job losses, threatening to sue me for pointing this out. Sullivan County Religious Wars 25 Years Later, Sullivan County Threatens to Sue Activist Over Free Speech.
Stretching Your Dollar: Feeding Yourself on a Budget in SWVA - Practical tips for affordable living.
New for 3/28/2025: Food City’s $6 Million Payoff, Opioid Settlements, and Social Apartheid’s New Face in Southwest Virginia.
Lewis Loflin Personal Homepage and Resource Collection
In Peru’s Sechura Desert, the Chiclayo project envisions a solution to food scarcity and water shortages. Inspired by Marshall T. Savage and Brian Fagan, a rig would pump 264,000 gallons of cold water hourly from 1600 feet deep, growing fish and shrimp (via phytoplankton), producing 2.64 million gallons of fresh water daily, and irrigating 1823 acres, feeding over 235,000 people daily. Using Chiclayo’s recycled plastic waste for equipment could create 2348 jobs. Rural challenges remain despite Peru’s $829 million in 2022 foreign aid. This self-sustaining concept could help generate $19.7 million yearly. See A Game-Changer for Chiclayo, Peru: Turning Ocean Water and Plastic Waste into Food, Water, and Jobs for All.
Common Sense Environmentalism - Life in rural Washington County, Virginia.
I rely solely on the scientific method and open debate, drawing from my lifelong science study through textbooks and courses.
I'm no expert and claim no unique insights, but the evidence is accessible to anyone who seeks it.
Solutions lie in existing technology and objective reasoning. There's nothing inherently wrong with humans shaping nature.
Quoting Marian L. Tupy:
There is no reason for pessimism about the future of our species or the planet. ... Put differently, nature adjusts to human activity in a multitude of ways and, the greater the human impact, the greater the natural adjustment. So, instead of seeing natural collapse, humans are encountering nature's resilience.
From Bristolblog.com:
Baptist Preacher-Wife Sentenced to 179 Years - One of Sullivan County’s worst child abuse cases, national news.
2007 Christian-Newsom Race Murders Rock Knoxville - A Black gang kidnapped, raped, and killed a white couple post-carjacking. Press focused on the Duke-Lacrosse hoax instead; the accuser later jailed for murder.
Section updated, added 3/30/2025
Virginia crime over the years:
My approach to religion blends history and philosophy, ignited by local debates over Ten Commandments in courthouses. Neither Christian nor Jewish, I favor fact-based science, exploring rational monotheism and biblical studies. Studying the historical Jesus is key to understanding Western religious roots, backed by evidence rivaling Julius Caesar’s, as Christian writer Jonathan Went notes—facts vital for belief and inquiry. Western theism envisions an all-knowing, all-powerful God, shaped by thinkers like Augustine and Spinoza, debated by Hume and Nietzsche. Core issues—divine traits, logic, free will—span Judaism, Christianity, and Islam.
This site’s loaded with rational monotheism and Bible stuff. Start with Hellenism under Alexander the Great—it shaped Christianity. The Roman Empire didn’t “fall” in 479 AD; it morphed over centuries, framing today’s religious ideas.
As a Deist, I see reason, not divine will, in history’s turns. Early Christian schisms—Monophysitism, Nestorianism, Arianism—fractured unity, as explored in What Split Early Christianity? and Arian Goths and Jews in the West. The Byzantine Empire Overview and Byzantine-Persian Wars Overview reveal how relentless conflicts with Sassanid Persia (Religion in the Persian Sassanid Dynasty) drained both empires by the 7th century. Persecution of heretics and Jews under Catholic rule, replacing Arian tolerance, alienated populations. Exhausted and divided, these powers crumbled before Islam’s swift advance post-630 AD—a human tale of strife opening doors to a new faith.
I admire many Muslims as individuals but question Islam’s cultural and religious frameworks—especially in places like Saudi Arabia—when they shape public policy. This scrutiny extends to all religions, focusing on the problematic blend of doctrine and political authority, distinct from the character of individual Muslims, whom I respect when they separate the two. History shows Islam’s conquests reshaped cultures, though modern Muslims aren’t accountable for this past. I view extremism, like Saudi Wahhabism, as troubling when it fuels violence, and I uphold free expression as a right for all, rejecting preferential treatment.
Immigration and Identity Politics:
From a Deist perspective, I explore Islam through reason, not revelation, questioning its historical and political dimensions. While respecting individual Muslims, I critique the fusion of faith and governance, as seen in Mohammed’s ideology and the Koran’s origins. Deism values free will and rational monotheism, contrasting with Islam’s perceived fatalism and Sharia enforcement. I challenge myths like the “Golden Age” of Islam and examine why innovation lags in Muslim nations. Open dialogue, not censorship, drives this inquiry—mocking ideas isn’t hate, it’s a right. History and philosophy guide my lens.
My work traces Christianity’s evolution through historical and philosophical lenses, spotlighting figures like Paul, who shaped it from Jesus’ human teachings into a theological powerhouse. I examine Zoroastrianism’s imprint on biblical monotheism and Judaism’s clash with Hellenism, birthing concepts like the Logos. From Augustine’s doctrines to Calvin’s rigidity, and Gnosticism’s mystic dissent to Socinian rationality, these threads weave a complex tapestry. Original sin, pantheism, and Egypt’s early Christian growth further reveal a faith molded by diverse cultures. This isn’t dogma—it’s a rational dive into how ideas, not just divine will, built a religion.
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